The ancient Egyptian police
Appointment of officers
Guarding sites and property
Policing the borders
Dealing with suspects
Police and citizens
Policemen as citizens
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The police in ancient EgyptIf in the earliest historical times there were people whose duty it was to ensure the safety of the citizens and their property, very little is known about them. A well-organized police force seems not to have existed. 
The chief of police Shemai
The storehouse is empty and its keeper is stretched on the ground.This fictional guard appears to be somewhat of an exception, having been killed in the line of duty. His zeal to protect what was entrusted to him, was more remarkable than the sense of commitment of many real life security personnel known from historical sources, who gained immortality because of their corruption rather than their integrity.
These early guards and watchmen may have been, at least in part, purely local answers to security concerns and may have been employed by private persons and local institutions such as temples or rich landowners, but there were apparently also larger scale organizations, as hinted at by the title of Supervisor of the Hundreds, jm.j-r'-SnT, i.e. chief of police,  known from the coffin of Qeri, , whose bearer would quite likely have had some SnT at least to supervise.
The sA-pr appear to have been a private guard force of the great landowners originally. During the Middle Kingdom they became royal functionaries and were still active in the Late Period.  One of their duties was to help in the collection of taxes and to punish defaulters. In depictions they are often shown roughly handling peasants and applying their staffs.
During the Middle and New Kingdoms a nationwide police force grew out of the semi-military units securing the borders, which consisted to a large part of Nubian Medjay who had been employed during the late Old Kingdom in accompanying expeditions into the South and policing the frontier region of the country.  This police force became identified with these mercenaries to such an extent that in the New Kingdom their ethnonym was synonymous with "police".  45] Little is known about the structure of the ancient Egyptian police force otherwise, but whatever its actual organization, significant numbers of gendarmes could be assembled to guard strategic places in times of need or accompany expeditions: A mining party more than nine thousand men strong under Ramses IV was accompanied by a unit of fifty policemen , and when there was somewhat of a security situation in Upper Egypt during the late New Kingdom, the authorities ordered police from the region to assemble in order to protect the Theban necropolis:
...They plundered everything and burned its people, so they say. Now the high priest of Amen said to us, Bring the police of Per-nebyt together with those who are in the South and those of the Necropolis and let them stand there guarding the Necropolis...The police were paid by the treasury, but apparently they had at times a supplementary income, tapping into local resources (as still happens today, occasionally). Community policing may often have equalled the provisioning and appeasing of a village tyrant, more popular with well-to-do scribes to whom he was likely to be deferential, than with the poor who had to bow to his every order:
Befriend the herald (i.e. policeman) of your quarter,In the remoter regions of the country policing was done by Medjay or sometimes by the army, generally units of Nubian bow men. Quarrying and mining expeditions were accompanied by soldiers  and even the honey hunters in the desert received at times protection from archers.
Police chiefs were often former army officers. Didu, after a life as a soldier, administrator and diplomat was appointed chief of police, as much a reward for a loyal servant as it was insurance for the pharaoh to have a trustworthy man in this post. The priesthood too had an interest in placing their people in commanding positions. After the statue of Isis had marked out a police officer, he advanced at an astonishing speed in the police hierarchy.
Foreign conquerors left the Egyptian civilian organizations mostly intact and used them for their own purposes. Under the Roman occupation the police became an arm of the military, being locally supervised by centurions. The office of the strategos examined the evidence gathered by the police and prepared the court case which would be presented to the viceroy or one of his deputies for judgment.
May your heart be informed, you being healthy and well, that 2 men of the Medjay, 3 women of the Medjay and 2 children have descended from the desert in the year of the reign 3, month 3 of the peret-season, day 27. They said: We have come to serve the Great House, l.p.h.Whether these two ethnic Medjay wanted to volunteer to become Egyptian policemen is not known, but it is quite likely that that was their intention. Another source of foreign recruits were prisoners of war, men who had experience in the employment of weapons, were used to military discipline and were, as foreigners, less likely to be involved in Egyptian politics.
The hatia (nomarch), lower Egyptian seal bearer, unique friend (of the pharaoh) and supervisor of police Qeri.Min-iniuy (see below) had looked after the king's horses before becoming chief of police at Thebes and Didu had been a professional soldier before being raised to the position of standard bearer of the royal guard and then to that of chief of police.
I served as overseer of the desert police of western Thebes and I protected the walls of his palace. When I was appointed to chief of police, I was robed with a dress because of the dignity of its duties.Min-iniuy also complained about irregularities in the conduct of Nakht-Sobeki who had superseded him. According to his letter Nakht-Sobeki had taken over land which did not belong to him and given it to another chief of police and the High priest of Montu.
At times involvement in the politics of the organization did not satisfy them and high police officials used their power to further the interests of one of the parties which existed at court. And if they conspired against the king, they were playing for very high stakes indeed, as did in the words of the Judicial Turin Papyrus The great criminal, Binemwese, formerly captain of archers in Nubia, who had colluded with a great number of court officials under the leadership of Ramses III's wife Tiy in the murder of the king and the elevation of prince Pentaur to the throne. He was found guilty by a commission of inquiry and they brought his punishment upon him.
The chief of police Mahu and his men greeting the royal cavalcade
Mahu was chief of police at Akhetaten under Akhenaten. He decorated his tomb with scenes from his working life such as escorting robbers to court and looking for fugitives. and in the tomb of Merya police units are depicted preceding the royal cavalcade,  some of the tasks policemen still fulfill today. 15]
Even harder was the fate of the probably fictitious priest of Amen, Pediese, who was robbed of his property, almost beaten to death, lost some of his family members in a feud with the priesthood of Teudjoi, and received remarkably little protection from the authorities.
The police seem to have shown more zeal when protecting royal functionaries–from the public. Tax men have never been the most popular kind of officials and few peasants parted with a considerable part of their produce with much joy. They may–at least in normal, well ordered times–not have threatened the tax men with violence, but quite a few probably tried to hide part of their harvest, so that they would not have to pay. Policemen therefore often accompanied the tax men and helped them collect the taxes,  which generally meant that they beat the truth out of the reluctant taxpayers, or at least what they thought was the truth.
At times taxpayers, who felt they had been treated unfairly, lodged a complaint, as did the goldsmith Menches when he wrote to the epimeletes (overseer) Protarchos:
...After Ptolemaios, tax farmer of the goldsmiths' tax for the nome, found me in Krokodilopolis and made accusations against me (although I owed nothing to the king) and took with him as a helper Menelaos, a police officer, and they led me off and treated me violently and took away from me the silver lump that I had under contract and the necklace, for which things the weight is 108 drachmai, for which the documents will be attached, I appeared against them before Asklepiades, your agent, and they agreed and said they would return the things, but as of this hour they have not given them back...
Relief of a door bolt.
A barking domestic dog is the one who causes his master to be safe.What they did not have were locks, which would keep ordinary people out and at least delay professional intruders. So when there was nobody alive inside a property who could sound the alarm, one had to rely on guards, who in the great necropoles formed special police forces. The custom of burying the dead with grave goods, which in the case of royals could be of huge value, attracted the less superstitious and more enterprising among the citizenry, who broke into the tombs and plundered their contents the moment they were badly guarded. This occurred frequently in times of a weak central government, when the security situation of the whole country deteriorated.
According to the The Abbott Papyrus Pewero was the mayor of western Thebes and chief of police of the Theban necropolis under Ramses IX during such a period. Paser, the mayor of eastern Thebes accused him of neglecting his duties. During the investigations that followed a number of tomb robbers were apprehended, but Pewero remained in office and the robberies continued.
Even more difficult than keeping robbers out of tombs was the prevention of agricultural theft. The areas that had to be patrolled were extensive and discipline among the guards was sometimes lax. The chief of police at Ibion Eikosipentarouron, Appolonios, reported on the dereliction of duty on behalf of a number of guards and suggested that disciplinary steps should be taken:
...Diotimos son of N.N., and Petosiris the elder, son of Psenesis, and Petosiris the younger, and Petosiris son of Horos, of the guards from Tebtunis, having been selected by Ptolemaios, the archiphulakites (i.e. chief constable) of the division, and having taken in writing the oath by the king that they would devote themselves to the guarding of the crops of the aforesaid Ibion and of Xulitis for the 29th year, Petosiris the younger, son of Psenesis, did not present himself to guard. Since, therefore, we have forebodings that the rest may also perhaps abandon the guarding if no notice is taken, we thought it necessary to write, in order that, if you think fit, you may report him to N.N., one of the diadochoi and epimeletes, and he may answer for [his conduct?]...20]
As border police they were stationed in fortresses like Semna on the Nubian border, from where they undertook forays into the desert gathering intelligence which they relayed to their superiors at headquarters:
...We have found foot marks of 32 men and 3 donkeys...The Medjay controlled travellers wanting to leave or enter Egypt, interrogated them and if they did not meet the necessary criteria, they were refused passage and captured if they were runaway slaves trying to flee the country or turned back to their desert if they were foreigners, even when they were attempting to escape a famine where they had come from:
Asked concerning the desert they said: We do not hear anything, but the desert is dying of hunger. So say they all. This servant (i.e. the writer of the dispatch) ordered them to be sent back to their desert the same dayThe border police also reported on mail being sent abroad. Thus there is a record dating to day 15 of the first month of the third season of the year 3 of the reign of Seti I:
The Guardsman Baal-roy, son of Zippor, of Gaza, went up, who had two different despatches for Syria: the Commander of the Garrison Khay, one despatch; the Prince of Tyre Baal-termeg, one despatch.
Yoked prisoner accompanied by two armed guards
Handcuffed Asiatic prisoner of war.In a possibly fictitious petition, a priest, Pediese, who lived under the Persian dynasty, described how he was arrested:
They seized me, my son and four brothers of mine. They put us into instruments of torture. They incarcerated us in a courtyard of a temple. Pakap dismissed Djedbastetiufankh, son of Irethoreru, as mr Sn. He had him bound with handcuffs. He ordered him to be thrown into the place where we were.After the arrest the suspects were kept in prison, but at least in Graeco-Roman times there was the possibility of being released on bail:
Copy of a bond.28] It was also the higher ranking officers who participated in the investigative commissions which in important affairs were led by the vizier himself. In a letter found at Illahun one Pepu writes to a certain Sobek-hetepu, lady of the house, discussing the questioning of a thief:
...Has the interrogation of a thief by anybody but the chief of police (ever) been ordered? But the chief of police cannot interrogate the thief, if he was not caught by him.Interrogation methods used by the police were of the rough and ready kind. According to the Mayer papyri suspects of tomb robberies
were tortured at the examination on their feet and their hands, to make them tell the way they had done exactly.53] 30] The smaller ones were possibly just a pit in the ground or a room in the police station, the larger ones may have been fortress-like or may have resembled work-houses. The Egyptian terms jtH  and xnr.t  appear in the context of both fortress and gaol, the Semitic loan word Sar  refers to the gatehouse of temples, while DdH.w came from DdH,  to lock up. Village prisons were probably run by the local chief of police. The greater town prisons were administered by a supervisor and scribes keeping the prison records.  The personnel were apparently thought of as police: the security officer, who had fraternized with imprisoned harem women involved in the conspiracy against Ramses III and had caroused with them together with other officials, was referred to in the records of his conviction as the great criminal, Oneney, formerly captain of police. Among the accused Oneney was the most likely to have been a gaoler.
Egyptian gaols did not, generally, hold prisoners for any length of time, but were rather used to detain people being interrogated, standing trial or awaiting the execution of their sentence. Imprisonment was rarely among the punishments imposed by the courts, who preferred to express society's displeasure at the disturbance of Maat by impaling, cutting noses and ears, beatings and the like of criminals, though banishment to a border fortress must have been very much like a prison sentence.
But there are records of prolonged detainment, both literary and real. In the introduction to the Instruction of Ankhsheshonq the author of the teachings is being kept imprisoned at the pharaoh's pleasure, for not having informed the authorities about the regicidal plans of a friend;  while in real life people were apparently at times detained for personal, corrupt reasons, as happened to Thasis, daughter of Horos from Crocodilopolis (Arsinoe). She wrote to Aetos the strategos, the highest official in the region. accusing a certain Anches of having Aetos' assistant Alexandros put her in prison illegally.  Similarly a man was taken to the Big Jail of Crocodilopolis in the year 177 BCE or thereabouts and was kept there for three years, despite having been acquitted. 
I have sent (a letter) with the policeman Hed-nakht of the administration of the necropolis in order to let you know.At times the impression is created that the only purpose of a policeman's journey was the conveyance of messages:
When the policeman Hed-nakht reaches you, you shall send him on his way immediately.Policemen also appear to have run errands occasionally, as did the chief of police of Deir el Medina, Montumose. Buying a billy goat for one of the inhabitants of the village was probably rather a personal favour than part of his duties:
To the chief of police Montumose:
Concerning your mentioning of the affair of the Medjay policeman Kasi of the necropolis, no one has spoken (badly) about him. He fulfills his duty. Do not concern yourself with him!But at times policemen did more than just fulfill their duty. It took a popular uprising for the authorities to try and curb the high-handed exercise of power by its officials and policemen. The amnesty decree of the year 186 BCE (pKroll) contained the possibly oldest form of habeas corpus: imprisonment for private reasons, as had–according to her own testimony–happened to Thasis in the year 202 BCE and to many others before and after her, was forbidden and the accused had to be presented before a judge. These philantropa seem to have had but little effect. 
Living with an at times overbearing police may not have been what the man in the street prayed for, but there was an awareness of the importance of an orderly, well-led constabulary:
When Pre is angry with a land he appoints its washerman as chief of police.61] Incidents like the one, when the chief of police at Deir el Medina, Montumose, did not pay up as had been agreed upon, were not rare among the Egyptian civilian population either; but whether an ordinary citizen could have delayed payment for years with the same ease as a constable, who may have imagined himself to be unassailable as a member of the very authority empowered to investigate and prosecute such behaviour, is doubtful:
Year 17, day [blank] of the first month of summer in the reign of Usermare-Miamun (Ramses III). On that day the workman Menna gave the pot of fresh fat to the chief of Medjay Mentmose, who said: "I will pay you for it with barley from this brother of mine who will be responsible. He is my guarantor. May Pre keep you in health!" So he said to me. Three times have I reported him in the court before the scribe of the tomb Amennakhte; he has up to today given me nothing. And see! I reported him to him on the fifth day of the second month of summer in the third year of King Heqmare-Setpenamun (Ramses IV), that is eleven years later. He took an oath by the Lord, saying: 'If I don't pay him for this pot before the last day of the third summer month of the third year, I shall receive a hundred blows with the stick, and shall be liable to pay double.' So he said before the three domestic captains, the external agents, and the whole gang (of workmen)From the Graeco-Roman period many examples have survived of citizens unwilling to accept illegal behaviour on behalf of their policemen. Whether this attitude was widespread in earlier times cannot be said, but at least the peasant in the tale The Eloquent Peasant was not afraid to call a spade a spade in the face of official indifference and corruption:
Behold, you are a policeman (SnT) who steals...As the central power decayed in the late New Kingdom, so did the ability of the state to provide for its servants and control them, and as a consequence corruption became widespread. Penanukis, priest of Khnum at Aswan, included the local administrators, among them the chief of police in his corrupt practices.  He disposed of black cattle-images of Mnevis, selling one of them to Medjay from the Senmut fortress, who apparently slaughtered and consumed it, committing thereby a terrible sacrilege. 
Unlawful imprisonment was one of the tools corrupt policemen had at their disposal to put pressure on civilians. They may have done so to please somebody else or for personal gain. Violence was often used to subdue the prisoner. Such cases are known from complaints sent to high officials during the Ptolemaic period:
... I [paid] 1300 drachmai every month and regularly until Pachon for which I have the receipts. But on the 5th of Pauni, Ptolemaios found me in the silversmithy in Krokodilopolis, took me to the bank, and handed me over to Menelaos, the police officer in the city. Although I stated that I owed nothing, he (Ptolemaios) made him (Menelaos) whip me, and, after my person had been searched, they found that I had a lump of silver and a necklace, which Menelaos took away from me, altogether 108 drachmai in value; he led me off to prison until next morning and deprived me of the aforementioned articles. Therefore I ask that you summon Menelaos and Ptolemaios in order that I might obtain justice for myself through you and recover the objects of my complaint. Farewell.One of the schemes for extorting money rom the citizenry was to accept bail and then to refuse to release the prisoner:
...having given bail to Sokomenis, the warden, to release me in light of the circumstances. But Sokomenis, after receiving two bail payments from me, is not acting in good faith. I am asking that, if you agree, to the extent that you take the matter in hand and bring it to a head (?), you not overlook me, who has wasted away 8 months and been disdained by the...socially above craftsmen and farmers, but appear to have been at the beck and call of the upper classes.
The term Medjays could also simply refer to people of Nubian extraction. The Medjay Hed-nakht in the following letter was apparently a policeman employed as a messenger and not held in high regard by his superior, while the Medjay Kesi seems to have been a labourer of Medjay extraction:
Moreover: Do not express displeasure vis-à-vis the Medjay Kesi, but give him rations and make him weave the yarns. Also take care of the carriage-donkeys of the people in the field. Send the Medjay Hed-nakht and make him come to me quickly and do not allow him to dawdle. I have sent you (a message) concerning him before with the Sherden Hori.Distinguishing between the two meanings of Medjay is not always easy. A letter on papyrus dating to the 19th dynasty speaks of a Medjay doing forced labour, the translation below refers to him as a policeman:
The Medjay Nakht-Seti is (doing) corvée duty when he is beaten with a stick because he is like an enemy of the sun god.The contact of policemen with crime is, by the very nature of their profession, close. Generally they take on the role of preventer or avenger and at times, hopefully rarely, of perpetrator. In a strange incident two Medjay were the intended victims. It seems that they had incurred the wrath of an army general by spreading some sort of information which was most objectionable in his eyes, and he ordered his underlings in a number of letters to get rid of them:
The general of the army of Pharaoh, l.p.h. to the scribe of the king's necropolis Tjary.
Douglas J. Brewer, Emily Teeter, Egypt and the Egyptians, Cambridge University Press 2007
Ann Rosalie David, Handbook to life in ancient Egypt, Oxford University Press US, 1999
I. E. S. Edwards (ed.), The Cambridge Ancient History, Vol. I, Cambridge University Press 2000
Adolf Erman & Hermann Grapow Wörterbuch der ägyptischen Sprache, Berlin, 1971
Robert Hari, New Kingdom Amarna Period, Brill, 1985
T. G. H. James, Pharaoh's People: Scenes from Life in Imperial Egypt, Tauris Parke Paperbacks 2007, ISBN 1845113357
Richard Jasnow, A Late Period Hieratic Wisdom Text, SAOC 52, University of Chicago 1992
Miriam Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. 1 to 3, University of California Press, 1973-80
Peter der Manuelian (ed.), Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, Museum of Fine Arts Boston, 1996
A. G. McDowell, Village Life in Ancient Egypt, Oxford University Press 1999
Pierre Montet, Everyday life in Egypt in the days of Ramesses the Great, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981
Norval Morris and David J. Rothman, Oxford History of the Prison, Oxford University Press 1997
David B. O'Connor, Eric H. Cline, Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign, University of Michigan Press 1998, ISBN 0472088335
Michael Rice, Who's Who in Ancient Egypt, Routledge, 2001
Serge Sauneron, David Lorton, Jean-Pierre Corteggiani, The priests of ancient Egypt Cornell University Press 2000
Ian Shaw, The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, Oxford University Press, 2003
Emily Teeter, Egypt and the Egyptians, Cambridge University Press, 1999
Bruce G. Trigger, Understanding early civilizations: a comparative study, Cambridge University Press, 2003
Pascal Vernus, David Lorton, Affairs and scandals in Ancient Egypt, Cornell University Press 2003
J. H. Bondi et al., Aegyptiaca, Festschrift für Georg Ebers, Wilhelm Engelmann Leipzig 1897
 Shaw, 2003 p.92
 Manuelian 1996, Vol.1, p.94
 Wb (Erman's Wörterbuch see Bibliography) 4, 498.1
 CG 28009, according to Kanawati dating to the 6th dynasty. Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae website Altägyptisches Wörterbuch, Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften => Grabinschriften => Achmim => Felsgräbernekropole von El-Hawawisch => einzelne Objekte => Särge im Kairo-Museum => Sarg des Qeri, CG 28009 => Opferformeln und Opferliste => Opferformeln => Seite 1
 Ian Shaw, The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, Oxford University Press, 2003 p.106
 Montet 1981, p.136
 Brewer & Teeter 2007, p.88
 Lichtheim, Vol. 2, p.143
 An expedition under Ramses IV included 5000 soldiers and fifty policemen. 5000 men are excessive for the purpose of protecting such an expedition, and we may suppose that most of the soldiers were used as manual labourers. 50 police would appear to be adequate for guarding the peace in such a temporary desert community itself, but not sufficient for protecting it against an attack by a large bedouin tribe. This was probably the task of a small part of the military troops.
 O'Connor & Cline, 1998, p.199
 After the transliteration and German translation on the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae website => Altägyptisches Wörterbuch, Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften => Briefe => Briefe des Mittleren Reiches => Verwaltung/Alltag => Briefe aus Theben => pBM 10752 recto (Semna Dispatches) => Dispatch 5
 After the transliteration and German translation on the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae website => Altägyptisches Wörterbuch, Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften => Briefe => Briefe des Neuen Reiches und der Dritten Zwischenzeit => Verwaltung/Alltag => Briefe aus Theben => oToronto A 11 => [rt.12-30]: Brief des Min-iniuy an den Wesir Chay
 Rice 2001, p.104
 Hari 1985 p.23
 P.Mich.inv. 2921, reign of Claudius, http://wwwapp.cc.columbia.edu/ldpd/app/apis/item?mode=item&key=michigan.apis.1688, accessed June 2009
 David 1999, p.92)
 P.Mich.inv. 6952, ca. 194/193 BCE, http://wwwapp.cc.columbia.edu/ldpd/app/apis/item?mode=item&key=michigan.apis.3041, accessed June 2009
 Jasnow 1992, p. 34
 http://wwwapp.cc.columbia.edu/ldpd/app/apis/item?mode=item&key=berkeley.apis.956, accessed June 2009
 Teeter 1999, p. 57
 After a transliteration and German translation on the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae website, I. Hafemann ed. => Altägyptisches Wörterbuch, Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften => Briefe => Briefe des Mittleren Reiches => Verwaltung/Alltag => Briefe aus Theben => pBM 10752 recto (Semna Dispatches) => Dispatch 4
 After a transliteration and German translation on the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae website, I. Hafemann ed. => Altägyptisches Wörterbuch, Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften => Briefe => Briefe des Mittleren Reiches => Verwaltung/Alltag => Briefe aus Theben => pBM 10752 recto (Semna Dispatches) => Dispatch 5
 Excerpt. Naguib Kanawati, "Extreme physical punishment in Old Kingdom Scenes" in Newsletter No 93 of the Rundle Foundation dor Egyptian Archaeology, July 2005
 In the New Kingdom tale of The Taking of Joppa the Egyptians fettered the soldiers of Joppa with a qA, a wooden shackle around the neck, and the god Seth was manacled in a similar way in The Contendings of Horus and Seth.
 cf. Slavery
 Louis Keimer, "Notes de lecture", BIFAO 56, 1957, p.106
 http://wwwapp.cc.columbia.edu/ldpd/app/apis/item?mode=item&key=upenn.apis.50, accessed 17th May 2009
 Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae website: Altägyptisches Wörterbuch, Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften => Briefe => Briefe des Mittleren Reiches => Verwaltung/Alltag => Briefe aus Theben => pBM 10752 recto (Semna Dispatches) => Dispatch 3)
 After a transliteration and German translation on the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae website: Altägyptisches Wörterbuch, Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften => Briefe => Briefe des Mittleren Reiches => Verwaltung/Alltag => Briefe aus Illahun => London => pUC 32200 => Brief des Pepu an die Hausherrin Sobekhotepu
 So little in fact that Morris and Rothman in their Oxford History of the Prison claim that One of the most useful accounts of prison in ancient Egypt is the passage in the Book of Genesis (39:20-40:5) describing the confinement of the Hebrew slave Joseph by the Egyptian royal official Potiphar, an account from a source the historicity of which is doubtful concerning people whose existence can not be proven living under a nameless pharaoh.
 Wb 1, 148.24-25
 Wb 3, 296.14-18
 Wb 4, 421.15
 Wb 5, 635.6-12
 Morris & Rothman 1998, p.9
 Lichtheim Vol, 3, 1980, p.159
 P.Duk.inv. 677, 202 BCE; http://wwwapp.cc.columbia.edu/ldpd/app/apis/item?mode=item&key=duke.apis.31194799, accessed June 2009.
 P.Tebt.UC 1583 Recto, http://wwwapp.cc.columbia.edu/ldpd/app/apis/item?mode=item&key=berkeley.apis, accessed June 2009
 After a transliteration and German translation on the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae website: Altägyptisches Wörterbuch, Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften => Briefe => Briefe des Neuen Reiches und der Dritten Zwischenzeit => Verwaltung/Alltag => Briefe aus Theben => Briefe des Deir el-Medina Corpus (Auswahl) => Briefwechsel des Djehuti-mesu => pBM EA 75020 (Bankes) => Brief an [Djeuti-mesu] über ein Missverständnis
 After a transliteration and German translation on the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae website: Altägyptisches Wörterbuch, Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften => Briefe => Briefe des Neuen Reiches und der Dritten Zwischenzeit => Verwaltung/Alltag => Briefe aus Theben => Briefe des Deir el-Medina Corpus (Auswahl) => Briefwechsel des Djehuti-mesu => pBM 10411 => Brief des Bu-teh-Imen an Tjary (Djehuti-mesu)
 Edward F. Wente, "A Goat for an Ailing Woman", in Manuelian 1996, Vol.2, p.860
 After a transliteration and German translation on the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae website: Altägyptisches Wörterbuch, Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften => Briefe => Briefe des Neuen Reiches und der Dritten Zwischenzeit => Verwaltung/Alltag => Briefe aus Theben => Briefe des Deir el-Medina Corpus (Auswahl) => Briefwechsel des Djehuti-mesu => pTurin 1971 => Brief an Djehuti-mesu von Bu-teh-Imen, Schedu-em-duat und Hemet-scheri
 http://tebtunis.berkeley.edu/lecture/revolt.html accessed June 2009
 But even if guards had been hired, thieves might take advantage of their temporary absence: ... when I inspected the plot of land which I have leased(?) in the neighbourhood of Psenarpsenesis I discovered that very much wheat was stolen from it while the watchmen of the field [were absent]. ..., (P.Mich.inv. 6807, http://wwwapp.cc.columbia.edu/ldpd/app/apis/item?mode=item&key=michigan.apis.2944 accessed June 2009)
 Edwards 2000, p.370
 Lichtheim, Vol.3 p.164
 James 2007, p.47
 Sauneron et al. 2000, p.16
 Vernus & Lorton 2003, p.99
 http://wwwapp.cc.columbia.edu/ldpd/app/apis/item?mode=item&key=michigan.apis.3049 , accessed 11th May 2009
 Trigger 2003, p.155
 Fritz Krebs, "Die Polizei im römischen Ägypten", in Bondi et al. 1897, p. 31
 After a transliteration and German translation on the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae website: Altägyptisches Wörterbuch, Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften => Briefe => Briefe des Neuen Reiches und der Dritten Zwischenzeit => Verwaltung/Alltag => Briefe aus Theben => Briefe des Deir el-Medina Corpus (Auswahl) => Briefwechsel des Djehuti-mesu => pBM 10326 => Brief von Djehuti-mesu an Bu-teh-Imen, die Schedu-em-duat und die Hemet-scherit
 After a transliteration and German translation on the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae website I. Hafemann ed., => aaew =>Altägyptisches Wörterbuch, Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften =>Briefe =>Briefe des Neuen Reiches =>Verwaltung/Alltag =>Briefe anderer Herkunft =>pTurin 1977
 After a transliteration and German translation on the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae website => Altägyptisches Wörterbuch, Sächsische Akademie der Wissenschaften => 2. Reden und Dialoge => Der beredte Bauer => pBerlin P 3023 + pAmherst I (Bauer, B1) => Der beredte Bauer (Version B1)
 After a transliteration and German translation on the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae website: Altägyptisches Wörterbuch, Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften => Briefe => Briefe des Neuen Reiches und der Dritten Zwischenzeit => Verwaltung/Alltag => Briefe aus Theben => Briefe des Deir el-Medina Corpus (Auswahl) => Briefwechsel des Djehuti-mesu => pBerlin 10487 => Brief des Generals des Pharao an Tjary (Djehuti-mesu) über zwei Polizisten
 Jean Yoyotte, "Un corps de police de l'Égypte pharaonique" in Revue d'égyptologie 9, 1952, pp.139-151.
 Waltraud Guglielmi, Reden, Rufe und Lieder auf altägyptischen Darstellungen der Landwirtschaft, der Viehzucht, des Fisch- und Vogelfangs vom Mittleren Reich bis zur Spätzeit, thesis presented to the University of Tübingen, 1969/70, p.122
 MdC transliteration: mDA.y. As Nubian ethnonym: Wb 2, 186.3-8; as police: Wb 2, 186.9-13
 Much of such information stems from petitions by citizens and give, by their very nature, a one-sided picture. They may not be the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth.
|Law and Order|
|Aspects of Life in Ancient Egypt|
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|La police (in French)|
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